Laywaddy FM

Facebook Twitter Youtube

Laywaddy FM

articleHuman RightsNewsUncategorized

The Relentless Impacts of War on Children

by Kay Zue
written by Kay Zue

Nyein Chan Say (Lay Waddy FM)

The aftermath of war has struck children with devastating force. Throughout 2024, Rakhine State witnessed relentless fighting, and its people endured the overwhelming hardships of war.

The people of Rakhine, with gritted teeth, are enduring bloodshed on a scale unseen in two centuries—lives upended by food shortages that force them to travel dozens of miles for donations and lives shattered by life-altering injuries from airstrikes and landmines.

The Arakan Army (AA), which led the city seizure and achieved significant successes, has consistently expressed its profound gratitude to the people of Rakhine State in every public statement. Yet, this is only a part of the story. 

While the people’s unity and the AA’s capabilities brought about swift victories, the children of Rakhine—the lifeblood of the region—are equally bearing the brunt of the war’s devastation, forced to endure its hardships without choice.

This early period of 2025 can be described as a lull in the fighting, a time of uneasy calm, where the battles seem to have paused, whether through negotiation or simply a cessation of hostilities without any need for dialogue.

It is during this period that the severe hardships endured by the people, who have spent months housing in bomb shelters, are becoming starkly apparent. 

Among these hardships, one of the most pressing is the severe impact of the war on children.

Reports from local aid organizations indicate that children are suffering from skin diseases too painful to witness. News outlets have been continuously reporting on this issue, which has now become an urgent problem for these young victims.

The unidentified rashes on their tiny hands, chubby legs, and backs are deeply heartbreaking.

The condition of the children seen in the photographs can only be described as extremely severe. While there have been calls for collective donations of medicine and efforts to deliver aid to the affected areas, those on the ground say that these are only short-term  measures. 

Aid organizations report that they lack sufficient medicine to effectively treat the illnesses. 

‘Our organization has donated medicine five times with the funds we have received, but it is completely inadequate,’ said a field coordinator from the Ngapali Collective Charity Organization.

In towns recently affected by war, such as Gwa, Thandwe, Toungup, and Ann, children are suffering from severe skin diseases.

‘How can they possibly stay clean when they have to live and sleep on the ground?’ said a mother from a displacement camp in Ann Township.

“The secretions from scratching to relieve itching spread all over their bodies, and the infections are easily transmitted from one child to another.“

Another critical issue affecting children is the shortage of medicine and nutrition for pregnant mothers. 

At a time when many families struggle to have a meal regularly, expectant mothers are also deprived of essential medication and supplementary nutrition. 

“Even securing emergency food supplies has become difficult. We have not yet been able to provide specific nutritional support for pregnant women,” a representative from a relief organization in Gwa Township stated with concern.

Pregnant mothers and their unborn children are now facing life-threatening constraints.

It is reported that pregnant mothers and newborns are not receiving adequate nutrition, and are also experiencing life-threatening health emergencies and even deaths. 

“There is no other hope for babies who are born unhealthy,” a woman from Thandwe said.

Another impact on children is the disruption of their education.

Although this requires a long-term solution, it is also crucial to recognize that every moment spent without schooling has negative consequences for these children. 

Children of all ages, ranging from primary to high school, have been deprived of education for over a year. 

Airstrikes conducted by the military junta have rendered school buildings unusable, and the human resources needed for teaching, the teachers themselves, have been scattered. 

Relief organizations estimate that over six hundred thousand people have been displaced by the conflict over a year, and a quarter of that number are children.

Based on that estimation, over one hundred  thousand children are affected by the war and in dire need of assistance.

Each child holds a future within them, and it is vital that they be allowed to live and grow in a safe haven. It is, therefore, urgently necessary that they be freed from the ravages of war.

Photo – IDP Support Organizations in Rakhine State

 By Nyein Chan Say (Lay Waddy FM)

Translated by Zan

0 comments
0 FacebookTwitterPinterestEmail
article

Could Arakan Turn Into a Nation?

by Kay Zue
written by Kay Zue

In fact, this enquiry might still be a bit premature.

The Arakha Army (AA) presently
controls ten of Arakan State’s seventeen townships, while seven more are still outside of its purview. Among the other townships, Kyaukphyu, Sittwe, Ann,
Maungdaw, Toungup, and Gwa are significant towns with political, military, and
economic. Furthermore, rather than seeking total separation, the AA has stated that
it will adopt a confederation model. There hasn’t been any declaration or plan to
advance towards total independence yet.


However, reports from the ground indicate that by the end of this year, AA is
anticipated to take control of Maungdaw and Gwa. Additionally, it is conceivable that
AA may soon take control of the military headquarters in Ann township. Additionally,
because of their strategic significance, China may become more involved in
Kyaukphyu and Sittwe. Public interest in the Arakha Army (AA) and its commander,
General Tun Myat Naing, has grown dramatically since the Spring Revolution of
2021, which was characterised by the escalation on October 27. As a result, the
question of whether Arakan National may emerge has arisen.


It is already common knowledge that establishing a nation is not an easy task. A
nation is not created by merely announcing its independence, flying its flag, or
performing its national anthem. There are different opinions of experts for the
fundamental requirements for establishing a nation.


Having a definite territory, a permanent population, a government independent that is
not under influence of other governments, and the capacity to interact with other
nations, resources including energy reserves, natural resources, economic capital,
technological resources, a trained labour force, intellectual resources, and trade
routes are also essential for both domestic and foreign trade are some of the
essential conditions for the formation of a nation. Public services including
healthcare, education, and transportation infrastructure are also crucial. Additionally
important are basic needs like food, shelter, and security. A nation’s identity is further
enhanced and full when it has a unique language, culture, and traditions.


Getting recognition from other nations is one of the biggest challenges. As
demonstrated by the situations of Taiwan and Palestine, some countries may decide
to recognise a new state, while others may not. But being a member of the United
Nations (UN) is even more important. But this is not always the only factor that
determines a country’s position. While being recognized by all countries and gaining
UN membership would undoubtedly be beneficial, a nation can still begin to function
effectively if it has fulfilled other critical criteria and is recognized by a few key
countries.

This is especially true if the nation establishes good relations with

neighbouring countries or a powerful state and such relationships can pave the way
for building political and economic connections with that country’s allies.
Declaring independence and establishing a new nation does not automatically make
it recognized as a country. However, such a declaration can still provide some
guarantees regarding sovereignty and autonomy. Specifically, having defined
territory, a permanent population, a distinct language and culture, and an
independent government operating without the presence or control of another
government’s authority or military within the territory are essential foundations of a
new nation. Even if the nation is not yet recognized by other countries or
organizations, it can still benefit from protections of using force against the territorial
integrity under UN Charter.


In the event of an actual attack, the responsibility for defence would ultimately fall on
the nation itself.
Will Arakan regain its independence? Since Arakan was formerly an autonomous
kingdom for a long time. To explore this possibility, we can analyse Arakan’s
historical background and its current circumstances step by step.


(1) Let’s examine the historical background
The ancient Dwarawaddy Kingdom in Arakan originated around 6000 BC, according
to Arakan histories. The Arakan Kingdom survived four significant dynastic periods
after this one. Four eras are Dynasty of Dhanyawadi (c. 3325 BC–327 AD), Dynasty
of Waithali (327–818 AD), Dynasty of Lemro (818–1430 AD), Dynasty of Mrauk-U
(1430–1784 AD).
Strong proof of Arakan’s historical presence as a sovereign state can be found in the
Ananda Sanda Stone Inscription from the Waithali period in 729 AD, the ancient
Dhanyawadi city walls, and the city walls, temples, and stupas of the Mrauk-U
Kingdom. It’s not to say that a nation must have an ancient history to justify its
establishment, but in the case of Arakan, its historical legacy supports its rightful
claim to sovereignty.


(2) Defined Territory or Distinct Land
It is evident from historical documents that Arakan’s borders were formerly far more
expansive than they are now. Putting that aside, Arakan still has a separate, well-
defined, and contiguous territory that is isolated from other areas.

(3) Permanent Population
According to the 2014 census, Arakan has a steady and established population of
about 3 million people, mostly made up of Arakan ethnic groups but also including
other populations. It is evident that this group is a long-term resident of the area
rather than a new arrival because they occupy a clearly defined and sizable territory.
(4) Recognition from Other Nations

It might be difficult to get international recognition if Arakan proclaims its
independence. It appears implausible among ASEAN nations. Due to its
geographical distance and lack of proximity to its border, China may also be
reluctant to deal with Arakan as an independent state. Furthermore, Arakan could
potentially leave China’s sphere of influence because it faces the Indian Ocean.
China may not want Myanmar to experience another “Taiwan” scenario, though,
given its advantageous location bordering the Indian Ocean.


Since AA currently controls the Paletwa region, it views Arakan as part of India
border. It would be against its policy to recognise an independent state arising from
Myanmar given its long-standing connection with the country’s military leadership.
Nonetheless, India frequently bases its foreign policy on what China is doing in the
area. India may change its position in response to any major action China takes on
Arakan. Recently, India has shown some increased engagement in Myanmar and
Arakan-related matters.


Bangladesh shares a direct border with Arakan and is heavily affected by the
ongoing refugee crisis. This situation could lead to potential negotiations or mutual
agreements between Bangladesh and Arakan, Islamic countries might also become
involved behind the scenes.


For geopolitical or financial reasons, South Korea and Japan have expressed some
interest in Arakan. But as of right now, nothing substantial has been done. For the
time being, Western nations are likewise probably going to be watching the situation
from a distance. Prospects for further international support and recognition may arise
if Arakan follows a clear and consistent route towards democracy and human rights.
Ultimately, it can be assessed that decisions regarding whether to recognize Arakan
as an independent state or continue engaging with it as part of Myanmar will largely
depend on the trajectory of Myanmar’s current political and military developments.
(5) Government Structure


There will always be a governing authority, whether a nation is officially recognised.
The “Arakan People’s Government,” as the Arakan Army (AA) has long called itself,
is a type of revolutionary government. If a country were to be founded, it would be
more credible internationally if it had an inclusive administration that represented
both the underground and visible forces, as opposed to merely a revolutionary
government or one controlled by the revolutionary military. Over time, democratic
countries would probably support efforts to build a government based on democratic
values.

(6) Natural Resources
The wealth of Arakan’s natural resources is well known. Its offshore fields are
already producing natural gas, and more reserves have been found for potential
future exploration. Additionally, the area may yield oil discoveries. In addition to fossil
fuels, Arakan is abundant in bamboo, fish, and prawns, as well as lumber. These
resources might greatly boost Arakan’s economy for decades if they are used and

managed methodically and responsibly, giving the region a solid basis for growth
and self-sufficiency.


(7) Economic Foundations
Arakan has solid economic foundations. The region’s main sources of income are
agriculture, livestock production, fishery, forestry, bamboo, and border trade, in
addition to its oil and natural gas potential. It is a prospective tourist destination
because of its abundance of historic pagodas, monuments, beaches, forests, and
waterfalls. In addition to satisfying local need, the excess production of staple
commodities like rice boosts the country’s economy.
These industries are appealing to investors because they would be necessary for the
establishment of a new country, including communication networks, everyday
essentials, and medical supplies. Arakan has the potential to draw in global
enterprises and manufacturing thanks to its strong labour pool. All things considered,
Arakan has the fundamental economic components required to facilitate the founding
and growth of a new country.


(8) Routes of Trade
Exporting commodities and earning foreign exchange is essential for any country.
Natural gas from Arakan is currently a valuable export commodity. Products from
agriculture, livestock, forestry, and fisheries can also be exported. Markets for these
products are easily accessible in nearby populous nations like Bangladesh and India.
Furthermore, exports to far-off overseas markets are made possible by marine trade
made possible by Arakan’s coastal access and land trade channels because Arakan
is not landlocked nation.


(9) Language, Literature, Culture, and Traditions
Arakan has a rich history of its own language and literature, dating back to the
Dhanyawadi era. By the Waithali period (327–818 AD), the Arakan people were
already systematically writing literature, as evidenced by the Ananda Sanda Stone
Inscription from AD 729. This makes the Arakan one of the earliest literate groups in
present-day Myanmar. Alongside their literary heritage, Arakan also boasts a distinct
and well-preserved culture, including craftsmanship, traditional arts, and customs,
which remain prominent and influential in Arakan society today.


The diverse ethnic groups living in Arakan, such as the Arakan, Chin, Thet, Khami,
Myo, Kaman, and Rohingya communities, commonly use the Arakan language.
While regional dialects exhibit slight variations in tone and pronunciation, the
language remains unified as a single linguistic entity.


(10) Defence
Over 30,000 troops are thought to be part of the Arakha Army (AA), which is
presently engaged in combat to retake Arakan from the military junta. However,
reports from the ground indicate that this figure may be significantly higher. The AA
benefits from voluntary enlistment motivated by patriotism and a strong sense of

responsibility among the populace, as opposed to conscription-based recruitment.
This implies that it may easily increase its forces additional if necessary.
The ability of the AA to effectively plan, coordinate, and lead military operations has
been shown. Arakan’s military might be substantially upgraded and fortified if it gains
independence and has steady sources of income. In the past, Arakan has
established strong and sophisticated armies in the area.


(11) The People
There is a sizable pool of highly qualified and educated professionals in Arakan that
can support the development and restoration of the area. Arakan people were
historically well-represented among Indian Civil Service (ICS) officers during British
rule. Even today, a significant number of Arakan individuals hold positions as
departmental staff and high-ranking officials. As evidence of the existence of an
informed and competent intellectual community prepared to spearhead nation-
building initiatives.


There are plenty of workers in Arakan. It is estimated that more than a million young
Arakan people are currently employed overseas. There is a good chance that they
will return if employment prospects are established in Arakan.


(12) About AA Leaders
The majority of people in Arakan today appreciate, trust, and accept the leaders of
the AA. There are also others in Myanmar who believe that Arakan has produced
capable leaders of whom the country can be proud on a national level.


In actuality, the AA commanders’ observable accomplishments have served as
evidence of their patient, decisiveness, organisational and unifying skills, foresight,
prompt action, opportunity-seizing ability, alliance-building, and military expertise.
One could argue that they have not yet accomplished much in the areas of
administration and reconstruction. However, it may be determined that, once a
methodically organised government is put in place, they will be able to function
exceptionally well in a specific amount of time based on the foundation they have
laid during the previous years. It is also reasonable to assume that they will select an
administrative structure that is compatible with and appropriate for the Arakan
people.


(13) Remaining Tasks
At the moment, the AA has to keep to take control the other towns. Kyaukphyu and
Sittwe are probably going to be the next strategic targets once Maungdaw, Gwa, and
Ann have been consolidated. It is reasonable to wonder if talks could result in the
military junta leaving Kyaukphyu given the existence of Chinese projects there.
Currently, the military junta’s continuous airstrikes and bombings suggest that they
are not inclined towards a negotiated withdrawal from Arakan. However, it is also
possible that these actions are intended to create pressure and pave the way for
negotiations.

The AA’s statements and interviews suggest that they are unlikely to leave any
traces of the military junta administration or forces in Arakan, whether through
negotiation or non-negotiation method. Nevertheless, as they say, “like clouded
mountains and matters of king affairs,” mean that a firm judgement on this issue is
impossible.
We can conclude that the AA is unlikely to suddenly and recklessly give up on the
mission of overthrowing the military rule in Arakan without significant planning and
thorough consideration. The Western bloc’s critical position on the Bengali Rohingya
issue and the existence of Chinese projects in Arakan, however, raise the risk that,
in some cases, the Arakan conflict could spread to central Myanmar.
Throughout its history, Arakan has maintained its independence, and it still has the
qualities needed to regain its status as a nation. For more than 240 years, the
aspiration of the Arakan people has been to reestablish an independent state. The
Arakan people have been prepared to give up everything—lives, homes, and
belongings—without hesitation or protest to achieve this aim.
On the other hand, AA’s leaders are strategic and visionary. As said earlier, they
take decisive action after meticulous planning and patience. Their words, comments,
and deeds demonstrate their capacity to consider what is best for Arakan, including
whether joining a federal union or being an independent country will benefit them
more internationally. Additionally, it appears that the AA recognises and embraces
their historic role in helping to overthrow military rule.
Therefore, the following analysis might be used to examine the question of an
Arakan State:


(1) Arakan will bide their time till a federal or confederal union can be established.
Arkan will set up a proper administration and administrative structure to run
the area during this waiting period.
(2) If any ethnic group or faction tries to take political control when it comes time
to formally form a union—just as the Burman majority has historically
determined the political structure, for example, by establishing the NUG
(National Unity Government) as the government ruling the entire country, or
by electing the president and the federal government based on population, or
by elevating parliamentary representatives based on population—then Arakan
will probably become an independent country.


Therefore, it is improbable that the AA would merely seize control of the entire
province and declare Arakan as an independent nation. Arakan might, however,
become an independent country if that is what is wanted, contingent on the
conditions, attitudes, choices, and reactions of other ethnic groups, especially the
Burmans.


The author of this political analysis is Nay Htet Moe Zaw.

0 comments
0 FacebookTwitterPinterestEmail
Women

“Hell Room in Prison”

by Shine Bu Chay
written by Shine Bu Chay

A 38-year-old Artist from Thandwe City, known as Day Day, was arrested by the military council and sentenced to ten years of hard Labor for participating in protests the coup.

Actively involved in peace and rehabilitation efforts, she is a resilient woman who has become a thorn in the side of Thandwe City’s pro dictator. She was detained under suspicious charges, denied the right to defend, and sentenced to a decade in prison in a harsh, authoritarian manner.

By the time she had served two years, fighting between the Arakha Army and Military Council forces had spread to Thandwe.

I had already heard that the AA would enter and capture Thandwe town. We were all waiting for change, weren’t we? I hoped the AA would reach us as soon as possible. I could hear the distant sounds of heavy weapons and gunfire, analysing each sound as it echoed from afar.

After the AA offensive captured strategic points No. 55 and 566 along the beach, the city guards secured a position in the prison and fortified it. This effectively turned the more than 400 prisoners inside into human shields.

I think it was the 23rd of June. Yes, on the 23rd, they stationed in the prison.

I saw an officer; I thought he was military chief strategist. I don’t know him exactly. They came to our dormitory, and they went upstairs. Five men entered and went up as well, doing something on the upper floor. I knew something was happening, but I didn’t know exactly what they do. The soldiers came in and, we are afraid.

None of the women dared to make a sound or move. We don’t know what they were doing. We heard the military stationed in the prison. We don’t know where they stationed. It was in the first day. They also entered at night then, I heard moving shifting benches that female inmates slept. They stacked and organized these benches. Then, when the dormitory door was opened, and we are allowed to go outside, and we looked up and saw the upper floor and realized that they were setting up for shooting range.

I thought to myself, & quot; If they start shooting from up there, we’ll all be died. I felt like that in my mind”. Large weapons were positioned around the prison, with the biggest stationed inside.

I saw something as large as an adult’s two hands put together. Sandbags were stacked on the roof of the men’s dormitory, creating cover directly across from our women’s dormitory. Soldiers patrolled the prison grounds, constantly moving, and we lived in a state of perpetual fear.

Since the military was stationed at the prison, we stopped receiving food parcels from outside and were no longer allowed to meet visitors. We felt trapped and at constant risk, so I asked the jailer about our safety. He warned me, saying, “Soldiers surround the prison; it’s not safe for you. To be blunt, you’re at risk of being raped.”

The military council forces at the upper floors of the prison began firing heavy weapons, filling the air with the terrifying sounds of gunfire and explosions. For days, we lived in constant fear, surrounded by the relentless vibrations of heavy artillery.

When the shooting started, I could hear the blasts clearly. At first, there were two small children in our dormitory, they told us one time to cover the ears of the children when they tested the large heavy weapons. After that, they didn’t come and tell us, and the heavy weapons fire became constant.

I could hear the shots and the weapons being fired, though I couldn’t see where they were aiming. I could only hear voices around me, people whispering anxiously, “What will we do if there’s a full- blown battle? There’s nowhere safe to go.” Our dormitory was right in front of the shooting range. Our female inmate’s dormitory is only separated by a single wall with shooting range.

I felt deeply that this place was extremely dangerous. If a fight broke out, I though they will not continue to keep us here. When the real fighting began, there was no one to rely on, no place to hide, and no staff left to help us. Everyone was in a state of terror, screaming and crying, united in fear. I thought to myself, “Is this what it means to be a human shield?” Knowing full well that a battle was inevitable, they still left us here, over 400 prisoners including male inmates, with no way to escape. I couldn’t understand the cruelty the disregard for our lives but, I didn’t surprise their cruelty and let all the people die.

The only way we could protect ourselves was by covering ourselves with thin blankets, hoping they would shield us from the heavy weapons stationed on the top floor of the prison.

Our dormitory was also hit by heavy weaponry. Two girls, who were close to us, were struck and eventually died. They were hit in the morning and couldn’t get any medical treatment. I didn’t know who to turn to for help for the injured girls. Amid the chaos of fighting, it was impossible to know where the shots were coming from.

All we could do was hide. I retreated to a small corner, covering our face with a blanket, and we all huddled together, shielding our heads in fear. Broken glass scattered around us, and fragments showered down with each blast.

Though we weren’t hit directly, glass shards flew from every angle, so we tried to protect ourselves by wrapping our heads with blankets. The dormitory was in ruins, with debris falling from the upper floors, and there was hardly any safe spot left.

When another blast hit, everyone panicked, thinking our hiding place was no longer safe.

We started off together but ended up separating in the chaos. Some girls took shelter in the middle of the dormitory, near iron bars with a concrete block at the base, hoping the block would offer protection if they lay down beneath it. They hid in that corner, but the heavy weapon struck directly there.

Although they didn’t target us, the weapon was aimed at the guard office in the centre, but it veered off course, colliding and flying towards our dormitory. I believe it was an RPG; all I remember was seeing heavy iron projectile. The projectile landed on the stairs, rolling down to the ground and exploding in front of the dormitory, hitting those two girls. The blast created massive dust clouds, and I couldn’t fully process what had happened.

My ears rang painfully from the constant noise. We stuffed cotton in our ears to muffle the sounds, yet blood still trickled out due to the force of the blasts. One of the girls was hit in the head, while the other was injured in her thigh. They lay there, bleeding and helpless, right in front of me, and I felt powerless to do anything.

We looked at them, shouting desperately, “Someone help! These two girls are hurt!” Blood was pouring out, but there was only silence in response. We continued calling for help, one by one, until our voices gave out. Eventually, the military council forces fired shots to intimidate us into silence.

They shouted that they had orders to shoot and demanded that we stay quiet. When we heard gunfire, we were frightened again, and we didn’t dare to speak up. I couldn’t help but think that if they had received emergency treatment, they might have survived. After an entire day, they finally grew calm by evening, but I knew they died. That’s how we lost two of them.

Two others were injured, though their wounds weren’t as severe. One was hit on the hand, and the other on both legs. I used whatever I could find, even monthly pads, to stop the bleeding. I stayed in the same room with them, shared meals with them, and watched over them. It was heartbreaking to see the two who slept and ate beside me slowly fade away. That feeling was unbearable, which is why I don’t want to speak of it anymore.

Fortunately, she managed to escape the battle, but her two friends weren’t as lucky, lost amid the smoke and chaos of the fighting. The military council forces came and unlocked the door. They had to break the lock to get in, and by 11 p.m., they released us. A few people were scheduled to be transferred out of prison five women were called. Four of them had been imprisoned for 20 years, and the other was charged under unfair section- Section 17/1 of the so-called Arakha Army case. Once they were called, they knew they were being taken away.

As I stepped out of the prison, I saw the two girls who had been injured in the afternoon. They were completely still, lifeless. A deep sadness washed over me. What could anyone do for them now? The military council forces told us to carry the bodies of two girls.

Just imagine the women who had to carry the bodies of two friends who had endured the hardships of prison with them for so many days and months. Their helpless screams would echo through the midnight rain in the darkened city of Thandwe.

They asked us to carry them, but I couldn’t bring myself to leave them behind. So, we took the bodies with us. It was pitch black, with only a faint light from a phone and some moonlight piercing through the rain. We moved slowly in the dark. The military council forces followed us to the prison entrance but stopped there, leaving us to continue our own.

After walking about 100 steps, we reached the Thandwe post office, where a military outpost was stationed. Over 40 girls were crowded together, and there was some chatter “Hey, I’m struggling; someone help hold the bodies.” Suddenly, we heard six gunshots behind us. We thought they were shooting at us. Were they planning to kill us even after releasing us?

The bodies we carried were those of friends who had shared life and meals with us. We couldn’t just leave them. We thought that if we could place them somewhere visible, like near a hospital, someone might be able to give them a proper burial.

That thought kept us going as we carried the bodies.

But soon, we became too weak to continue. We were exhausted, sick, and hadn’t eaten for so long. Eventually, we couldn’t carry them any farther. Frightened by the sound of gunfire, we lost control of the bodies, fell on the ground. We sat down and we shot, “don’t shoot us. The prison just releases us”. We don’t know where to go. So, I laid them on the side of the road, wrapped in blankets, side by side. It was heartbreaking I didn’t want to leave them like that.

I wanted to give them the respect they deserved, but I simply couldn’t do any more. So, I asked for their forgiveness even though they couldn’t hear and left them there, in front of the post office.

I didn’t know where to go, so I left them there in front of the post office. I once read in a poem that people remember haunted nights more vividly than ordinary ones.

Ma Day Day is trying to forget the tragedies she endured as a human shield in prison, while tending to the wounds and illnesses that imprisonment left her with. She is struggling to rebuild her life as she heals from the trauma of her time
there.

This program is supported by EJI and broadcasted every Thursday evening on Mizzima Radio. Additionally, daily special news can be accessed

0 comments
0 FacebookTwitterPinterestEmail
Environment

Ramsa Region On Arakan Coast Faces Crisis

by Shine Bu Chay
written by Shine Bu Chay

Earth is home to many forms of life, including humans. Humans live in places such as cities, villages, neighbourhoods, and homes. Similarly, other living things also have their own habitats, many of which remain highly beneficial to humans.

Among the habitats where other living things reside, forests, mangroves, and fields are widely recognized as crucial for human survival. In addition to these, it has been understood for about sixty years that wetlands are also vital for the long-term survival of humanity. As a result, wetland conservation has become a global effort to protect these important ecosystems.

Displaying Ramsar 2.jpg

Myanmar became a member of the Ramsar Convention on Wetlands on March 17, 2005. The country is rich in natural resources and diverse ecosystems, including wetlands. According to the Department of Forestry, Myanmar has identified 99 significant wetlands: 85 in the Irrawaddy and Chindwin River basins, 6 in the Salween River Basin, 5 in the Sittaung River Basin, and 3 in the Rakhine coastal region.

In 2004, Moe Yungyin (Moe Yungyi Wild Animal Sanctuary) was designated as a Ramsar Site, followed by Indawgyi (Indawgyi Wildlife Sanctuary) in 2016. In 2017, Mein Ma Hla Kyung (Mein Ma Hla Kyung Wildlife Sanctuary) and the Muttama Gulf area gained recognition, and in 2018, Inlay Lake (Inlay Lake Wildlife Sanctuary) was also added. By 2020, Nantha Island and the Mayu River estuary were included as Ramsar Sites. Collectively, these internationally recognized wetlands now cover over 27,000,000 acres (688,382 hectares).

These wetlands, rich in water and food, provide safe havens for a variety of bird species. Native birds thrive in these areas, and many migratory birds from colder regions also come to seek refuge. Among the endangered species that frequent these wetlands are the Spoon-Billed Sandpiper and Baer’s pochard. Additionally, migratory species like the Great Knot and Black-Bellied Tern come to feed here.

According to the Forestry Department’s 2023 bird census, over 20,000 birds from 120 species were recorded in the Wetland area of Indawgyi Wildlife Sanctuary. Moe Yungyin Wildlife Sanctuary saw more than 36,000 birds from 139 species. Inlay Lake Wildlife Sanctuary hosted over 16,000 birds across 184 species, while Meny Hla Kyun Wildlife Sanctuary recorded 181 species and more than 10,000 animals grazing in the area.

Nantha Kyun, located between Sittwe Township and Rathedaung Township in Rakhine State, was designated as a Ramsar site on May 21, 2021, and Myanmar’s second marine national park on March 1, 2022. It sits between the Mayu River’s mouth and the Bay of Bengal, home to rare bird species and a nesting site for endangered sea turtles.

The “Convention on Wetlands,” established in Ramsar, Iran, on February 2, 1971, aims to ensure the long-term conservation of wetlands. Wetlands designated under this agreement are known as “Ramsar Wetlands.” Currently, 172 countries are part of the convention, and, according to the latest data, 2,503 wetlands of international importance, covering 250 million hectares, have been recognized and protected globally.

Wetlands encompass various water-rich environments, including both stagnant and flowing fresh or saltwater areas. This includes marine waters no deeper than six meters at low tide, as well as both natural and artificial areas such as muddy lands, peat bogs, marshes, and other water-covered regions. They are categorized into three types: coastal wetlands, human-made wetlands, and inland freshwater wetlands. Examples include rivers, creeks, lakes, ponds, aquifers, muddy lands, wet grassy plains, sea sandbanks, small offshore islands, estuaries, delta areas, tidal beaches, mangroves, coastal zones, coral reefs, fish ponds, shrimp ponds, rice fields, salt fields, dam areas, and irrigated lands.

Experts highlight that wetlands are crucial not only for one country but also for regional and global climate stability and environmental health. They play a vital role in maintaining ecological balance, supporting biodiversity, and protecting against environmental changes.

Experts emphasize that wetlands are crucial ecosystems for ensuring food security, supporting the socio-economic development of local communities, and protecting against natural disasters. They enhance carbon storage in soils, mitigate climate change, and provide flood protection. Wetlands also contribute to biodiversity conservation by supporting a wide range of plant and animal species, offer fresh water, and help in water purification. They yield aquatic products like fish, shrimp, and crabs, support agriculture and livestock, and foster tourism and transportation, creating job opportunities and benefiting local economies.

In biogeographically unique regions, wetlands that are naturally or nearly natural and support biodiversity can be recognized as Ramsar sites if they meet at least one of nine criteria set by the Ramsar Convention. This includes wetlands where 20,000 or more waterfowl regularly congregate.

Conservationists warn that the sole Ramsar wetland in Rakhine State, once a valuable and pristine area, is now facing severe threats. Since the region’s designation as a Ramsar Wetland, conservation efforts have been hindered by the military takeover and ongoing conflict. The Forestry Department has struggled to access the site, citing security concerns. Ko Yan Naung Soe, an environmentalist from Sittwe City who has been actively involved in conservation, reports that this situation has led to significant damage. Nets set up near the island have killed sea turtles, and illegal activities such as turtle egg poaching and sand digging by ships have increased. 

“Working as a private organization, our role is limited to raising awareness. Despite our efforts, people have continued to hunt birds and dig for turtle eggs on Nantha Kyun Island. The lack of intervention from the Forestry Department has resulted in considerable damage. As a result, I found myself in a difficult position, trying to stop these activities on my own,” he explained.

Amid these ongoing challenges, the situation worsened when Cyclone Mokha struck the Rakhine coast on May 14, 2023. Yan Naung Soe, the primary conservationist for the island, reported that the cyclone caused severe damage to the already vulnerable Ramsar wetland. 

“The storm resulted in widespread destruction,” Soe explained. “The mangrove trees, crucial for bird habitat, were buried under sand. The cyclone’s force also caused the sea to erode the island, splitting Nantha Island into two parts. We estimate that 80 percent of the island has been damaged. Additionally, some of the remaining bird feeding areas were affected. The natural disaster rendered our maintenance efforts impossible.”

Displaying Ramsar 4.jpg

On November 14, 2023, Operation 1027 resumed in Rakhine State amidst ongoing damage and restoration efforts. This operation led to further territorial losses for the Rakhine State government under the military council and resulted in a sea travel ban. Consequently, Yan Naung Soe was restricted from leaving Sittwe and could no longer access the Ramsar wetland area.

The Biodiversity and Environmental Conservation Association (BANCA), which played a key role in the global recognition of Nantha Kyun and the mouth of the Mayu River as a Ramsar Wetland region, also reported halting its conservation activities due to the instability in the region.

An official from the Biodiversity and Environmental Conservation Association (BANCA) stated that while Rakhine had plans, funding, and resources to preserve the Ramsar region, these efforts have been halted due to regional instability. Most Ramsar sites in Myanmar have had to suspend some maintenance, but the Rakhine Ramsar site has faced a complete cessation of activities.

The Forestry Department was unable to compile data on bird migration at the mouth of the Mayu River for 2023. Historically, the site hosted around 100 bird species and over 10,000 birds annually. However, in 2024, only 50 species and about 2,000 birds were recorded. Notably, the Spoon-Billed Sandpiper, a rare bird species, which once had 23 to 36 individuals visiting the site, is now reported in much smaller numbers.

Since the start of Operation 1027, intense city-occupation battles have caused heavy artillery fire from military council troops targeting various townships. The loud explosions and vibrations from these weapons are believed to have negatively impacted the Ramsar site’s hibernating birds and sea turtle hatchlings.

The ongoing civil war has caused significant damage to the nesting areas of migratory birds and sea turtles on the island. Aircraft attacks, weapons fire, and gunshots have created substantial noise pollution, disrupting the local bird species, including migratory ones. These disturbances often force birds to relocate to other areas for feeding. Similarly, sea turtles that regularly come to the sandy beaches of Nantha Island are severely affected by the noise, which has significantly impacted their habitat.

Daw Thiri Dae We Aung, managing director of the Biodiversity and Nature Conservation Association (BANCA), explained that the noise pollution interferes with crucial behaviors like finding breeding partners, building nests, and foraging for native bird species, leading to a reduction in the number of birds and animals that come to the area.

Additionally, the instability caused by the civil war has weakened conservation efforts, as relevant organizations are unable to operate safely. This has led to increased illegal activities such as mangrove cutting and excessive sand extraction, further damaging the habitats of both birds and sea turtles.

Bird hunters are reportedly able to capture birds everywhere due to the absence of law enforcement. A study by the University of East Anglia highlights that in countries affected by civil war, illegal wildlife trade, hunting, and habitat destruction are prevalent, with the availability of firearms making hunting more accessible. Daw Thiri Dae We Aung stated that people fleeing the conflict into the forests and shooting from both sides have significantly harmed wildlife, resulting in a reduction in animal numbers.

Wetland areas are encountering several challenges, such as changes in land use, declining water quality, overfishing, invasion by foreign species, and unsustainable tourism, which may impact the ecological sustainability of wetlands. Additionally, watershed areas are overexploited for various purposes, including excessive water extraction for agricultural activities, electricity production, and mining. The destruction of mangroves in coastal regions also affects water flow into wetlands, leading to alterations in floodplain areas, including lakes, rivers, and creeks.

The Forestry Department of Myanmar’s Ministry of Natural Resources and Environmental Protection started drafting the “National Wetland Policy and Strategic Activities” in January 2019. This policy aims to protect wetland areas, promote their beneficial use, integrate their values into development projects, and encourage participation in both regional and international wetland programs. The National Wetland Committee, established in 2016, is working with various departments on these efforts.

Similarly, the Arakha Army (AA) announced on March 27, 2022, that it is in the process of drafting environmental laws. Currently, the Ramsar site in Rakhine, situated between Sittwe Township and Rathedaung Township, falls under the jurisdiction of both the Arakha Army and the Military Council. However, effective management from both sides has yet to be observed.

Despite the ongoing conservation efforts, national strategies, and laws in place, the Ramsar Wetland in Rakhine State is continuing to suffer significant deterioration amid the ongoing crisis. Timely preservation is critical to prevent further damage, and there is growing concern that if these preservation efforts are not executed promptly, the extent of the damage may become irreversible.

0 comments
0 FacebookTwitterPinterestEmail
Environment

The farmers’ struggles within the special economic zone of Kyaukphyu

by Kay Zue
written by Kay Zue

I requested them to measure the full extent of my land, but they only provided estimates for the land area. In reality, they should have measured how many acres I actually own.

For instance, I inherited about 3 to 5 acres from my ancestors, and they only recognized that portion of the land. They did not measure the land I expanded during my lifetime, claiming it was unnecessary.

The Chinese and Myanmar governments are primarily collaborating on land for the Kyauk Phyu Special Economic Zone (SEZ) and the Deep-Sea Port project. However, local farmers, like me, still don’t know whether we will receive compensation for our fields.

Farmer U Than Soe from Pyar Thae village shared that official from the Land Registry Department merely estimated the size of land in Pyar Thae village, Kani Group, Kyauk Phyu township, without physically measuring it. When you think of Kyauk Phyu township on the Arakan coast, you probably picture not just China’s Shwe Natural Gas Project and Oil Pipelines, but also the Special Economic Zone (SEZ).

Since 2014, land reserved for the SEZ project has been in Kani village group and other nearby villages such as Kyan Tai, Chaung Wa, Tai Chang, Kat Tha Pyay, Sittaw, Doe Ma Taung, Min Pyin, and Maday Island, all within Kyauk Phyu township. The Land Registration Department measured land in these nine villages.

Despite these measurements, U Than Soe is concerned because he still has no accurate record of how many acres of his farmland will be confiscated, nor does he know if he will receive compensation that reflects the current value of his land.

He asked, ‘How will you determine the compensation price?’ They responded that they couldn’t tell him. ‘So, if you can’t tell me, why are coming to my land?’ he said.

U Than Soe has been working on his family’s land since childhood. 

Now over 60 years old, he has raised his five children through his farming business. He owns about 7 acres of land, including both farmland and fields, all of which fall within the Kyauk Phyu SEZ project area.

He said that he investigated information from authorities of Land Registry Department about the situation on his own way, but the authorities have yet to make an official announcement.

Similarly, a farmer from Zai Chaung village, part of the Tai Chaung group, had 6 acres of his land measured, but there has still been no public declaration regarding this issue.”

“Farmers have been asking for 90,000,000 kyats per acre of land. I would be willing to sell if they offer two-thirds of that price. However, what I heard is that the authorities are only offering 2,500,000 kyats per acre. I can’t sell my land for 2,500,000 kyats per acre, so I’ll let them confiscate it instead.

Officials from the Land Registration Department mentioned to some farmers that they would provide a brochure slip to each farmer with information about unclaimed land at the appropriate time.

In the nine village groups of Kani, Kyan Tai, Chaung Wa, and Tai Chaung, there are 35 villages, and at least 200 farmers in these areas still don’t know exactly how many acres of their farmland will be confiscated.

Between 2015 and 2018, farmers repeatedly petitioned township authorities to handle land confiscations transparently and to offer compensation in line with current land values.

Displaying KPSEZ3.jpg

Farmers have been requesting between 25,000,000 and 90,000,000 kyats per acre, but the authorities and the committee formed for the SEZ say the compensation ranges from 18,000,000 kyats to a maximum of 25,000,000 kyats. This offer amounts to only about 10 percent of what the farmers are asking for.

The farmers have asked for 90,000,000 kyats per acre, and they would agree to sell if two-thirds of that amount were offered. But the authorities informed them that they are only willing to pay 2,500,000 kyats per acre. One farmer said, ‘I won’t sell it for 2,500,000 kyats per acre. If they want to take it, they can just take it.’

I attempted to contact the Kyauk Pyu Township Administration and the Land Registry Department to get an official response to the farmers’ demands. However, I was unable to reach them because the military council had blocked access to the town and cut off the phone lines.”

Some of the farmers whose land lies within the Special Economic Zone (SEZ) are refusing to sell even they get a lot of compensation fees.

A woman farmer from Min Pyin Village in the Min Pyin Village Group said that even though her land is included in the project, she does not want to sell it.

“If possible, I’d prefer to rent it out rather than sell it. Those who wish to sell should be allowed to sell, but I want the government to make that process transparent. At that time, those who want to rent can rent, and those who wish to sell can sell. I don’t want to sell because the land has been passed down to my children. That’s why I haven’t dared to sell my own farm either. I want everything to be open about how many acres we own. I don’t want it to happen in secrecy.”

The Kyauk Phyu Special Economic Zone (SEZ) project is composed of three phases: the deep seaport, the industrial zone, and a high-end housing project. The deep seaport is planned for Maday Island and Ramree townships in Kyauk Phyu.

Among these three phases, more than 600 acres have been allocated for the deep seaport, 2,400 acres for the industrial zone, and over 1,200 acres for the housing project, totaling more than 4,300 acres. These plans were confirmed by the Central Committee of Myanmar Special Economic Zones in a statement on December 29, 2015.

Displaying KPSEZ 4.jpg

Under the NLD government, some preliminary work had been done for the deep seaport and industrial zone projects, but construction was halted due to the Covid-19 pandemic.

The current military council, which took power after the coup, announced in December 2023 that the deep seaport project will be completed by the end of 2024, with pressure from China to accelerate the implementation. Despite these plans, U Than Soe stated that there is still no transparency regarding who will lose land and how many acres will be confiscated, which is causing increasing concern among farmers.

“I asked for 25,000,000 kyats. They could offer 23 or 22 million kyats—just give us fair value like that. You can’t confiscate our land without paying. Even if they gave us 10 million of the 25 million requested, we farmers wouldn’t agree. They may want to arrest us or kill us, but we won’t accept that.”

Meanwhile, the Military Council and Arakha Army (AA) are still engaged in fierce fighting in Rakhine State. The Dhanyawaddy Naval Headquarters and the 32nd Police Battalion, controlled by the Military Council, have been blocked by the AA in Kyaukphyu township, with fighting are ongoing on both sides.

Currently, the Military Council only controls about 20 villages near Kyaukphyu, with the rest of the area under ULA/AA control. This raises the possibility that the Kyauk Phyu SEZ could either be lost by the military council or the project could be halted altogether.

As a result, China may seek to hold more talks with ULA/AA regarding the Kyauk Phyu SEZ, and the AA is expected to protect previous investments in the region to attract further investment.

Ko Khin Oo, who is responsible for studying and monitoring investment projects in the Arakan region, said, “We welcome anyone working on the Kyauk Phyu SEZ for the benefit of the region, as long as victims receive fair compensation and jobs.”

If the government ensures that the Rakhine people benefit as they deserve, and if there is a guarantee of job opportunities and environmental protection, it will be a favorable situation. Currently, the ULA has not made its policy public, so farmers remain hopeful for the best outcome.”

The SEZ project was initially conceived in 2009, and in 2015, under the U Thein Sein government, the Chinese-owned CITIC company was awarded the right to operate it.

At first, the project’s cost was set at 7.3 billion US dollars. The share distribution was agreed upon with Myanmar receiving 15% and China 85%. Later, under the NLD government, the share allocation changed to 70% for China and 30% for Myanmar, with 1.3 billion US dollars set aside to start the initial phase of the project, aiming to avoid placing too much debt burden on Myanmar.

However, after the military council seized power in 2021, they held frequent meetings with China, culminating in a follow-up contract for the Kyauk Phyu Special Economic Zone at the end of 2023.

China and the military council re-signed the agreement, but no details regarding whether the NLD-era agreements had been revised or amended were made public. This lack of transparency has been a consistent issue under military rulers across different eras.

Regardless, the project continues under the current military council, which operates with the same lack of transparency from the start. There is growing concern about the potential consequences or violence that farmers and residents might face as this project progresses.

Farmer U Than Soe expressed concern over whether residents would receive fair compensation and job opportunities. He emphasized that unless he receives a guarantee of profit, he cannot surrender his farmland.

“They can catch me, they can kill me—no matter what happens, I won’t accept it. I don’t tell them to stop the project, just pay the proper price. If the compensation is fair, I will give up the land. The authorities should come directly to us, along with village elders, with a proper list. For instance, if it’s 20, then it’s 20. If it’s 30, then it’s 30 million kyats. Present the list directly to us farmers. By the time the money reaches us through intermediaries, we’ve already lost half of it. If you come directly, we’ll be satisfied. If not, we won’t be satisfied.”

Displaying KPSEZ 2.jpg

Lay Waddy FM’s weekly news program from the Arakan coast is supported by Earth Journalism Network (EJN) and broadcasts every Thursday on Mizzima Radio. You can listen to it daily and follow Lay Waddy FM’s special news on Lay Waddy FM’s Facebook page, website, and YouTube channel.

0 comments
0 FacebookTwitterPinterestEmail
Human Rights

Sons, husbands, and loved ones are being lost because of the war crimes of the military council.

by Kay Zue
written by Kay Zue

Continue, we will hear from Kay Zue, a member of Lay Waddy FM, about the devastating impact on mothers and wives who are losing their husbands and sons due to the military council’s crimes along the Arakan coast.

“My oldest son’s body lies near the sea. On that day, there was no funeral society to help—we had to bury him ourselves. We went to the cemetery and buried my son’s body. There is no monk, so, we couldn’t do the religious burial.

  • My eldest son was 55 years old.
  • My grandson is 17 years old.
  • We still don’t know if they were killed or not.

We are far away, with no contact, and I haven’t heard any news yet.”

Along the Arakan coast, the military council is committing severe human rights violations and illegal actions. The Arakan coastal region, an ethnic area already amidst conflict, is the second poorest state in Myanmar.

Another notable aspect of the Arakan coast is the large construction projects jointly built by the Chinese and Myanmar governments, which are exploiting natural resources. These projects are being carried out without providing clear information to the indigenous ethnic groups or the broader population of Myanmar. The military government has made it difficult for local people living along the Arakan coast to access education, economic opportunities, and transportation, forcing them to live in conflict, war, and unrest.

After the 2021 military coup, the military council violently arrested and imprisoned human rights activists and indigenous rights advocates from various regions. Over the next three years, the revolutionary war between ethnic forces and revolutionary groups escalated, leading to intense battles over city control. Nearly all cities along the Arakan coast, including Kyauk Phyu, Sittwe, Mrauk-U, Thandwe, have been heavily impacted by the fighting. As the indigenous people chose to support a revolution aimed at overthrowing the military council and reclaiming areas controlled by the coup government, the military council’s human rights violations against the Rakhine population are more intensified.

Two soldiers came. They said they don’t want to stay in the military anymore and were planning to leave. They asked father and son to take them by boat.

They said they will give only three minutes to decide. But then, they were shot directly.

On April 13th, in Thandwe Township, a fierce battle erupted between the AA Army and the Military Council. During the conflict, after the AA captured the Ngapali-Mazin airport, the Military Council troops took residents as human shields to ensure their escape. Tragically, during this time, father and son, who are working in the fishery industry were caught up in the violence. The father and son were shot and killed when the father was arrested while asking them to drive to the safe place by boat. 

Just before the shot, the older son went to the toilet and then came back out. He was grabbed by the back of his neck and taken away. My husband had already been shot. Seeing his father was shot, the middle son lay down his body, so, he was survived. As they were shooting, I screamed, and I thought the military dropped their heavy weapon, and it passed our house roof. My son got up and said, “Mom, we can’t stay here anymore, we need to run.” He told me they had shot my husband.

When I asked my son who shot him, he said that two soldiers had shot his father and took older brother. When I asked about his younger brother, he said that he was in the mosquito net. I called my son, and we ran and hid behind the house.

After her son and husband were brutally killed, Ma Bae Ou had to bury them herself.

Regarding the injuries, my husband was shot twice in the back. As for my older son, I believe they shot him from behind, and it seems the bullet exited here. A small rib was broken, and there was a bullet wound that tore through the skin on his throat. My oldest son’s body lies near the sea.

On that day, there was no funeral society to help—we had to bury him ourselves. I went to the cemetery and buried my son’s body. There was no monk, so we couldn’t do religious burial.

Ma Bae Ou walked from the war zone to the refugee camp. She now has to live in a refugee camp in Gwa township, along with many others who fled during the battle in Thandwe town.

In the incident that occurred last June, this family was not the only one to suffer. War crimes were committed against nearly an entire village. In another horrifying event, soldiers from the military council dragged the entire village out of their homes, tied their hands, and shot over 40 men in the village of White Egret, near Sittwe, the capital city of the Arakan coast.

The military called us out, and we all complied, thinking they wanted to check our household list. However, they arrested all the men, both young and old, and forced them to sit under the scorching sun.

Children and women were separated from the men. The men were left without food or water and made to endure the intense heat for two to three days.

In White Egret Village, Daw Sein Hla (name changed), along with her two sons and a grandson, were caught up in this brutal incident. Tragically, she will never see her sons and grandson again.

“Ask women not to look,” Then, six shots rang out behind me. I don’t know if they were killed or not. We are far away and haven’t heard any news.

  • The youngest son is 35 years old.
  • The eldest son is 55 years old.
  • The grandson is 17 years old.

I have not received any contact. I have not heard any news about them.

Daw Sein Hla is now living in a refugee camp in Sittwe Township, along with other villagers. Despite repeated requests by ethnic armed groups in discussions with the military council to avoid targeting civilians, the military council continues to do so.

Human rights violations and war crimes committed by military council troops against residents along the Arakan coast are escalating day by day. Mothers and wives from the Arakan coast, who have lost their husbands and sons due to arrests and killings by the military, continue to suffer as the military council commits atrocities, including using civilians as human shields.

You can listen to the Rakhine news program on Lay Waddy FM every Thursday via Mizzima Radio. This program is sponsored by the Earth Journalism Network (EJN). Additionally, it’s available on Lay Waddy FM’s Facebook page, website, and YouTube channel.

0 comments
0 FacebookTwitterPinterestEmail
article

Refugees on the Rakhine coast face starvation

by Kay Zue
written by Kay Zue

Hello everyone, Tharli Swa Par (Greetings in Arakanese). Welcome to Lay Waddy FM.

For this week, the world-famous Ngapali Beach, home to many hotel projects, has become a war zone. Residents are fleeing for safety as the area is now engulfed in conflict. Ngapali Beach, one of Myanmar’s most renowned beaches, is surrounded by hotels owned by cronies with close ties to the military.

The beach has become the battleground for fierce fighting between the Arakha Army (AA), which advocates for the rights of ethnic minorities to utilize resources, and the military government, which continues to ignore these rights. As a result, the area is now vacant, and residents have been forced to evacuate.

Many people living near Ngapali Beach have fled to Gwa Township, the furthest part of Rakhine State, where the war has not yet reached. We would like to highlight the difficulties faced by refugees who have escaped from Ngapali Beach and are now living in camps.

Our team member, Ma Hnin Ei, has interviewed some of these refugees.

Displaying 462099163_563814056000188_1442180030439980229_n.jpg

Q: Hello sister, I am from Lay Waddy FM. I would like to ask about the difficulties you have encountered after fleeing from the war. Can you tell me how you are currently managing your living situation?

A: While I was at home, I made a living by doing small chores. When the war started, I shared what little food I had with others, and they shared with me. Now, in this village, I don’t have any work, so I’ve had to rely on my savings. For vegetables, I search in the forest and exchange what I find for rice with others. That’s how I’ve been surviving.

Q: When did you start fleeing from the war?

A: It’s been only 10 days for me, but others had already left earlier. I didn’t have much savings for food, so I stayed until things got worse before leaving.

Q: Were there others who fled with you and then got separated after arriving at the refugee camps?

A: Yes, there were. We left together, but once we arrived, everyone went where they felt comfortable, so we got separated.

Q: How has the village you are sheltering in been helping you?

A: They haven’t provided any food yet, but a villager asked for donations in the village and built the tents for us.

Q: It’s the rainy season now. Are you facing issues with mosquito bites or other problems? Do you have belongings with you?

A: Some people have mosquito nets and blankets, but others don’t. We let the children sleep under the mosquito nets, and the adults just sleep without them.

Q: Have social organizations provided any food support for you?

A: No, they haven’t.

Q: You’ve been relying on your own resources since arriving at the refugee camp. Are you worried about facing difficulties in the next rainy season?

A: I don’t even dare to think about it. I still can’t go back because the fighting is ongoing in my village. There are no jobs here, and I’m afraid to think about what the future holds.

Q: Hello, I am from Lay Waddy FM. You came here to escape from the war, so I would like to ask, what kind of difficulties are you facing now?

A: We are facing many difficulties in living. Since we ran away from the village, we could only bring two or three cups of rice with us. I’ve had to share this small amount of rice with my children.

Q: How are you managing your living situation?

A: We couldn’t bring much with us. We go to the village and search for vegetables that we can find in the forests and mountains. We cannot afford to eat fish or meat.

Q: Are there any fundraising groups or support systems for you?

A: The villagers don’t give us food; they only give us coconuts. They did help us find a place to build a hut, but I couldn’t even bring a billhook with me, so I had to borrow one from the village.

Q: I heard that some families are headed by widows without a men household leader. How are they managing for their living?

A: For women without a household leader, if they have children with them, we cook a cup of rice and share it among ourselves. We all eat together.

Q: I am from Lay Waddy FM. What kind of difficulties are you facing regarding food, clothing, and shelter after fleeing from Thandwe?

A: Food has been a major challenge, especially because I have many children. The journey here was difficult, and most of my savings were spent on travel expenses. Rice and other essentials are scarce here, and family members are not feeling well, so the cost of medicine is also a significant burden for us.

Q: Are there any family members who are not in good health?

A: Yes, the children have suffered from diarrhea. I believe it’s due to the unhygienic water. We’ve had to visit a clinic in another village for treatment.

Q: You fled with your children without your husband. How are you managing your living situation?

A: Back in our village, we used to sell vegetables for our livelihood. Now, we rely on the food donations we receive. The families living with us also share what they have. There are about 40 people from 11 households living together.

After that, we will listen to an interview that our Lay Waddy FM team member Ko Lu Zaw interviewed the author Ko Wai Hin Aung, an activist involved in the relief work across refugee camps in Rakhine State, about the current situation faced by refugees throughout the region.

Q: Mingalarpar Sayar.

A: Tharli Swa Par.

Q: There are also refugees from the war in Rakhine, with some fleeing to liberated areas. What are the conditions like for the people there?

A: I’d like to start by saying that the current rainy season is making conditions extremely difficult. Some of the refugees who fled from war zones became their villages to liberated areas, allowing some to return home. However, others are still unable to return because landmines remain near their villages. This is a significant issue for refugees. Now, there are even more new refugees. Because of current situation, there are refugees fleeing from Sittwe, Rathedaung, Ponnagyun cities and nearby villages and there are new refugees from Thandwe and Toungup cities.Given the rainy season, some refugees have been able to carry their belongings with them, but many others had to flee with nothing only had the clothes they were wearing. It’s clear that they are going through an incredibly challenging time.

Q: You are assisting people on the ground, what are the conditions like for helping and rescuing those who have fled? Additionally, which organizations are involved in aiding?

A: There are some aspects that are not ideal to discuss openly at this time, as the situation is still evolving. In the liberated areas, the Arakha Army and the Arakha People’s Government have some control, but the military presence is still significant in some parts. Because of this, it’s not safe for me to disclose certain details about the organizations involved. However, I can say that there are a few organizations working on the ground, though it is very few numbers. Back in 2021, when we were released from prison, there were many organizations actively helping on the ground. Now, there are far fewer, and the shortage of donors has made it extremely difficult for refugees who are fleeing the war to sustain themselves. In the liberated areas, refugees face severe hardships. The rainy season makes it difficult to find adequate shelter, and the cost of food is prohibitively high. As I mentioned earlier, the price of essential items like oil has skyrocketed, and it’s become difficult to withdraw money due to bank closures. All these factors make the situation much more challenging for those fleeing the war now compared to the past.

Q: What challenges do you encounter when doing relief work?

A: Since the liberated areas are controlled by the Arakan People’s Government and the Arakha Army, there is no interference from the military government, which has allowed us more freedom than usual. There are no significant travel restrictions, making this part of the work relatively easier and more progressive. However, there are two major challenges we face. First, there is a severe shortage of essential goods. The prices of crops have risen significantly due to scarcity, which has affected our ability to procure necessary supplies. Second, there is a severe cash shortage. With banks in the region no longer operational, it’s become incredibly difficult to withdraw money. This dual challenge—lack of goods and lack of cash—has made our relief work particularly difficult.

Q: Now that there are fights between Thandwe and Toungup, what kind of support do you provide for people in these areas through your network? Is there any connection with any social organizations there?

A: When the fighting started in Thandwe, I started collecting donations online and received contributions from both local and international donors. With the funds raised, I first transferred 10,000,000 kyats (around $1700 U.S. dollars) , then sent another 10,000,000 kyats (around $1700 U.S. dollars) to Toungup. Recently, I transferred 50,000,000 kyats (around $833 U.S. dollars) to Gwa. However, since we are based in the northern of Arakan State and it can be challenging to access some locations and in more remote areas. Despite these difficulties, we are making every effort to reach those in need. Additionally, we are collaborating with groups on the ground to ensure that the people in those areas receive the support they require.

Q: Yes, on the other hand, a lot of goods coming from the Mizoram side are stuck. They are still trapped, and because of this, prices have risen.

A: Yes, that’s correct. I didn’t use to go to the market. But, just yesterday, in one of our liberated areas, I saw a bread that imported from India that is normally can buy with 800 kyats or 1000 kyats increased to 1200 kyats. So, the commodity prices increased slightly. We are essentially dependent on goods coming in from India, which has made life somewhat easier for the people. However, it’s disheartening to hear that the military government are using the excuse of war to block roads, causing unnecessary hardships for the people. I believe that should not be happening.

Q: What can be done in terms of restoration in the liberated areas? Some organizations are helping as much as they can, so what is the status of restoration?

A: As I mentioned earlier, even during an emergency, it is difficult to say that we have full control over the situation. Rehabilitation efforts are ongoing but challenging. Air strikes hasn’t stopped, and airstrikes can arrive at any time, often accompanied by shootings. It’s too early to say that restoration has truly begun. Now, we are still difficult to say emergency period is ended.

Some villages that were involved in the war in 2019-2020, and that were destroyed, the villagers are attempting to rebuild their homes, but it is not just started. As I mention you before, aid organizations from NGO and INGO cannot work properly in these areas so, the villagers are trying to rebuild on their own. I hesitate to use the term “restoration” right now—this period is still defined by ongoing “emergency period”.

You can listen to the Rakhine news program on Lay Waddy FM every Thursday via Mizzima Radio. This program is sponsored by the Earth Journalism Network (EJN). Additionally, it’s available on Lay Waddy FM’s Facebook page, website, and YouTube channel.
0 comments
0 FacebookTwitterPinterestEmail
Environment

The farmers to prepare for rice planting with the arrival of the monsoon season.

by Kay Zue
written by Kay Zue

Hello everyone, Tharli Swa Par (Greetings in Arakanese). Welcome to Lay Waddy FM. Our team member, Kay Zuu, has covered the impacts of the Kyauk Phyu Deep Seaport on the livelihoods of the residents of Maday Island, where the project is being implemented.

At the beginning of June, rainfall has already fallen in many parts of Rakhine State, prompting farmers to prepare for rice planting with the arrival of the monsoon season.

Rainwater is flowing smoothly from the high to low ridges of the fields, and farmers are preparing their fields for cultivation.

However, many farmers in Kyauk Phyu Township are left looking at their fields, which are no longer allowed to be cultivated, feeling bitter and resentful as this season arrives.

A large amount of farmland in Kyauk Phyu Township was seized for the Shwe Natural Gas and Oil Pipeline project, causing farmers to lose their right to cultivate their land.

The farmland of U Tun Aye from Malakyun village was among the lands seized.

“Almost all my fields have been seized for the pipeline. Now, there is no stable job. I am working as a vendor, growing eggplants and chilies. But without the ability to grow paddy, it is not enough to support my family. There are many difficulties in supporting my family. I want to get back my right to grow paddy on my farmland”.

For more than 40 years, U Tun Aye has focused on farming to support his family. However, about 3 acres of his farmland were confiscated for the project in 2010.

He mentioned that since the area is rural with few jobs other than farming, his family’s livelihood is facing hardships. Every farming season brings feelings of bitter resentment.

Displaying 462083607_565158915865702_4212931938514103550_n.jpg

“Farmers rely on their farmlands for their livelihood. Without farmland, sustaining our livelihood is difficult. I miss my farmland, especially during this rainy season. Seeing the land I am no longer allowed to work on makes me sad,” said U Tun Aye.

The Shwe Natural Gas and Oil Pipeline Project, which started in 2010, seized and developed farmlands. The project begins in Kyauk Phyu Township and extends to Ann Township, Magway, Mandalay Divisions, and through Shan State to China.

About 20 villages, including Mala Island, Pyaing Sae Kay, Kani, Mi Kyuang Tat, and Maday Island, are affected by this project in Kyauk Phyu Township. Many farmers like U Tun Aye lost their farmlands.

“About half an acre of my farmland was seized. For the whole village, about 10 to 20 farmers lost their land because of the pipelines. I feel pity when I see those farmlands, knowing we no longer have the right to work on them.”

No less than 200 farmers are affected by these projects, with thousands of acres of farmland in Kyauk Phyu Township confiscated since 2010, according to those monitoring the project. Farmers lost their rights to work on their farmlands.

The authorities set a compensation of between 1,800,000 and 2,000,000 kyats per acre of land and confiscated it for 30 years.

U Tin Win, a farmer from Malakyun village, said the 30-year compensation is insufficient even for three years.

“The money they give is not enough for a year. Some people received a lot of money because a lot of land was confiscated, but they are farmers and don’t know how to invest it. Some built houses, some bought motorcycles. Now, they have no money left and only lost their farmlands,” said U Tin Win.

The compensation, between 1,800,000 and 2,000,000 kyats per acre, was decided unilaterally by the authorities. Additionally, some farmers had to wait up to two years to receive it.

Farmers said the authorities forced them to sign documents to give up their land with coercive threats.

U Hla Tun, a farmer from Maday Island, said, “They forced us to sign a contract stating that if I asked for more compensation or reworked the farmland, I would be sued. We tried to refuse to sign, but they have authority, so we were afraid.”

There have been more than three protests in Kyauk Phyu Township regarding the distribution of the project’s benefits to residents, including the losses and sufferings of the farmers.

In the end, the farmers realized they would lose their farms and compensation fees, so they accepted the compensation decided by the company.

U Tun Aye said the compensation is unfair and arbitrary for farmers who have lost their entire livelihood.

“For people with many acres of land, losing one or two acres is not too painful. But for those of us with only a few acres, it means losing our livelihood for life,” said U Tun Aye.

Moreover, the military council prohibited farmland owners from going near the pipeline and threatened to arrest them if they spoke to the media about it, continued U Tun Aye.

“I can’t even look closely to see what’s happening to my farmland. I was told that after 30 years, your farmland will be returned to you. Come back at that time. Now, the military council is operating in that area, so I am worried about answering this interview,” U Tun Aye said.

In fact, China, Myanmar, South Korea, and India have respective shares in these projects. The main share, up to 50.9 percent, is owned by China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC).

Since 2013, 12 billion cubic meters of natural gas have been exported every year from these projects. Oil exports have been at least 13 million tons every year since 2017.

Therefore, these projects primarily benefit China, and the Myanmar authorities receive billions of dollars annually.

However, local farmers had to pay exorbitant amounts of land and lost their cultivation rights, said U Myint Thein, a resident of Mi Kyaung Taek village.

“For the benefit of foreigners and the Myanmar military, our local people have to sacrifice our farmland with very little compensation. We get nothing from the projects.”

Whether it is foreign or local investment, the authorities need to analyse the potential side effects on the environment and the local population’s losses when starting a new project.

However, the authorities are not transparent about the environmental impacts and the consequences of this project, both in the present and long term.

There was no land replacement for the farmers who suffered, and no alternative business opportunities were provided.

As a result, farmers like U Tun Aye, who can only work on farmland, face food crises and long-term worries about their family’s future.

“I face financial hardships, leading to social difficulties. It impacts my family severely. Therefore, I want them to create new farmlands to replace the lost ones.”

Many farmlands in the Kyauk Phyu region have been developed through traditional self-reliance systems and farmed from generation to generation.

However, some farmers who had their farmlands confiscated have no land to pass on to their children, and the honor of being a farmer has been lost under this project.

This program is sponsored by the Earth Journalism Network (EJN). You can listen to the Rakhine news program on Lay Waddy FM every Thursday via Mizzima Radio. Additionally, it’s available on Lay Waddy FM’s Facebook page, website, and YouTube channel.
0 comments
0 FacebookTwitterPinterestEmail
Environment

Interview With Local People about Chinese project in Kyauk Phyu 

by Kay Zue
written by Kay Zue

Hello everyone, Tharli Swa Par (a greeting in Arakanese). This week, clashes broke out in Kyauk Phyu Township, where Chinese investment projects are based. The residents are currently more concerned about how to escape the deadly harms than focusing on these projects. The military junta’s regime has not developed these projects transparently, similar to previous regimes. As a result, the majority of residents along the Rakhine coastal areas are unaware of the pros and cons of these projects.

“We are aware that we have natural resources, but we lack precise knowledge of what types of resources they are. This lack of knowledge could be due to the absence of discussions about these topics on social media. If such topics were more frequently shared on the social media pages, we would likely be better informed. However, since these subjects are not actively posted on social media and do not pique our interest, our understanding remains limited.”

Displaying 14115431_1336025633077387_6616425147036574534_o.jpg


“In our Rakhine State, Kyauk Phyu is known for providing petroleum oil, which China reportedly purchases. This is the extent of my knowledge. We are aware that Kyauk Phyu produces the natural resources, and both the Myanmar and Chinese governments are involved in the development of projects. However, I lack precise information on the scale and specifics of these projects.”

“Yes, Kyauk Phyu is renowned for Chinese projects. I am aware that Chinese entities are involved in resource extraction there. Specifically, they are constructing the Kyauk Phyu deep seaport and extracting petroleum oil. Additionally, power generation facilities operate in Kyauk Phyu, contributing to the national grid. Other projects, such as a hotel zone, are also being developed in Kyauk Phyu.”

The people in Rakhine State lack proper information about the natural resources available in their region and the ongoing development projects. Consequently, they place their hopes on the Arakan Army (AA), a Rakhine ethnic armed group that respects the natural resources of the people, human rights, and the other rights of indigenous residents. Lu Zaw, a reporter from Lay Waddy FM, interviewed Ko Htun Kyi, the director of the Peace and Development group, regarding the infrastructure projects in Kyauk Phyu.

Q: Kyauk Phyu is located at a crucial point, so what are the residents’ concerns regarding Kyauk Phyu?

A: Currently, residents are paying less attention to these projects. Instead, they are more focused on the ongoing conflict situation, and their concerns primarily revolve around that. I don’t see any other significant concerns related to other issues.

Q: How important is Kyauk Phyu for the economy and development of Rakhine State?

A: Kyauk Phyu is crucial not only for the investment and economy of Rakhine State but also for Myanmar as a whole. This area serves as the exit point into the Indian Ocean for the Silk Road project being implemented by China. Consequently, Kyauk Phyu holds strategic significance not only in terms of trade and economy but also for military affairs, which are vital for global dominance in the future. Our neighboring country, China, aims to utilize this location effectively, making it a critical point for both Rakhine State and the entire Myanmar.

Q: How transparent is the implementation of this project currently, and what impact does it have on the local population?

A: Since its inception during the junta’s military regime led by U Than Shwe, the residents of Rakhine State have not benefited significantly from this project. Additionally, the regime failed to conduct a proper Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) for the project; instead, they implemented it without due process. At that time, there were no laws requiring comprehensive EIA/SIA processes before project development. Furthermore, the project did not adequately prepare for job opportunities for local residents. As a result, while the project extracts natural resources owned by the people of Rakhine State, it has not provided any substantial benefits or advantages to the entire Rakhine population.

Q: Are there any recent developments regarding the currently implemented deep seaport project?

A: The junta’s regime initiated an Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) process for the deep seaport project in 2023. However, to the best of my knowledge, this EIA process remains unfinished due to the escalating conflict situation and the military’s closure of routes connecting to Rakhine State. Consequently, the process has been halted, and the EIA remains incomplete.

Q: Have Chinese diplomats recently visited Kyauk Phyu? Do you have any information about their visit?

A: It’s possible that Chinese regime officials visited Kyauk Phyu to assess the region and their significant investment project. Kyauk Phyu holds strategic importance for China, given its role in the large-scale Silk Road initiative. However, due to the ongoing conflict and tension in the Kyauk Phyu area, it’s unlikely that they can make further progress at this time. We’ve heard reports that they visited up to Maday Island, but the specific purpose of their visit remains unclear.

Q: Did the regime make the outcomes of the EIA process for this project public? 

A: During the implementation of this process, those responsible for conducting it, along with regime officials, engaged with residents, civil society organizations (CSOs), and political parties. Such interactions are essential when conducting an Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA).

Q: Did this project employ local residents? If so, what roles were they hired for? 

A: The project doesn’t heavily rely on local residents. Occasionally, they hire residents as general workers or for daily wage labor. When constructing the project’s infrastructure in Kyauk Phyu, some local residents are employed as manual laborers. However, they are not typically hired for permanent positions. The majority of workers in the oil and gas project are Chinese nationals.

Q: Do you think the daily lives of residents could be improved if AA took control of Kyauk Phyu’s entire area? 

A: Improvement wouldn’t happen immediately after gaining control. We must build our country’s economy independently with our owned hands. However, even if AA managed to oversee this region, including education, healthcare, and foreign investment processes, discussions with the Burma Regime would still be necessary due to pre-existing foreign investments. Although military control might have been secured then, political dialogue is essential too. Currently, local Rakhine people see no benefits from ongoing projects. If AA assumes control and starts negotiations related bodies, rightful benefits should accrue to all Rakhine State residents. For instance, revenue from natural gas sales—currently at 1 billion USD annually by the regime—should belong to Rakhine people under AA’s governance. Securing such rights requires political discussions about what percentage of foreign investment should be allocated to Rakhine residents as a mean of clarifying these issues.

Q: On the second day of this month, the AA released a statement declaring its intention to continue seizing the remaining towns in Rakhine State. Following this announcement, the AA has indeed intensified its offensives. In light of these developments, what could be the implications for Chinese interests and benefits if conflicts arise in Kyauk Phyu?

A: Throughout this conflict, both the AA and the military council have made commitments. The AA has welcomed foreign investment and has taken measures to safeguard all such investments. This is evident when considering India’s investment in the Kaladan project, which spans from Paletwa to Sittwe – regions largely under AA control. The AA is actively providing protection for this project. Consequently, it is expected that ongoing Chinese projects will receive similar security assurances from both parties involved. The oil and gas project in Kyauk Phyu remains a vital source of foreign revenue for the military council; thus, it too will likely be defended vigorously. Although both sides have pledged protection, nothing can be assumed as certain in wartime conditions. Potential damage to these projects cannot be ruled out, particularly if Close Air Support (CAS) operations involving fighter jets escalate—if heavy ordinance like 500 lb bombs are repeatedly deployed over Ramree Island, there could be collateral damage to nearby projects due to their impact vibrations. At present time, preparations for further conflict seem to be underway by both sides; henceforth, hostilities may persist unabatedly. Nonetheless, China may continue efforts to mediate between the conflicting parties with vested interests at stake—making it challenging to forecast or comment definitively on future outcomes.

Q: Do you think China could intervene to prevent the conflict in Kyauk Phyu? 

A: China would definitely intervene if fighting escalated in Kyauk Phyu. It might urge both sides to avoid escalating hostilities or express its concerns. When Chinese diplomats arrived in Kyauk Phyu, naval patrol boats slightly retreated toward the exit of the Than Zit River. This move suggests that the junta’s military aims to assure China of its non-aggressive stance. Reports indicate that all navy boats remained outside the river during the visit. Essentially, both sides are engaged in a strategic game.

Q: As a resident and activist, what message would you like to convey to the bodies and groups implementing these projects?

A: Currently, implementing new projects seems impossible, and we remain uncertain about existing ones. From the outset, these projects have failed to benefit us—offering no job opportunities for residents. On the other hand, we haven’t reaped any advantages from them. As residents, we wouldn’t suffer losses if these projects ceased to exist. Their presence hasn’t significantly improved our lives. Consequently, local people don’t engage in extensive discussions about these projects. However, our hope lies in future developments. If new projects emerge, Rakhine people desire tangible benefits—employment opportunities and contributions to the state’s development. Yet, if the Arakan Army (AA) gains control over the entire Rakhine State, these challenges may diminish. Under AA’s administration, people could rightfully access benefits. Ultimately, the situation hinges on the ongoing conflict, which will determine the outcome.

The situation in the Kyauk Phyu area, where numerous projects exist, has been discussed in this interview. This program is sponsored by the Earth Journalism Network (EJN). You can listen to the Rakhine news program on Lay Waddy FM every Thursday via Mizzima Radio. Additionally, it’s available on Lay Waddy FM’s Facebook page, website, and YouTube channel. I’m your presenter, Nay Nay.
12 comments
0 FacebookTwitterPinterestEmail
Environment

Impact of Mega Project in Kyauk Phyu

by Kay Zue
written by Kay Zue

Hello everyone, Tharli Swa Par (Greeting in Arakanese). It has already been over a decade that the natural gas produced from Rakhine offshore is sent to China, but the residents (of the state) haven’t benefited anything else from it yet. Today, you are going to listen to the report about it covered by Kay Zue, team member of our Lay Waddy FM. I’m the presenter Nay Nay.

Successive regimes have promised that Chinese investment projects would lead to improvements and development in the areas along Myanmar’s Rakhine coastal line. However, after a decade, the positive impacts of these projects remain elusive, while residents continue to face their disadvantages.

Kay Zue from our Lay Waddy FM will present when these Chinese mega projects of developing infrastructures have arrived into western coastal line areas of Myanmar, and what are these projects; what are the impacts on the local residents. 

Displaying 15107463_1419737531372863_7145302137577532146_n.jpg

Kyauk Phyu, a town located on the Rakhine coastline, has a population that traditionally relies on fishing. 

The coastal town produces natural gas. And large tanks for storing crude oil are still being built. Additionally, deep seaports are also still being constructed to accommodate oil tanker vessels. However, the residents, who have faced oppression over successive generations, have not been able to participate in discussions about the benefits and drawbacks of these projects.

When China and Myanmar signed the natural gas pipeline project, the people of Myanmar lacked a Hluttaw (parliament) where they could voice their opinions to the government. Indeed, during that time, then regime was still manipulating the resources according to its own desires. The discovery of natural gas off the Rakhine coast occurred in 2003 during the military junta regime led by U Than Shwe. Subsequently, this project was implemented under the regime led by U Thein Sein, which involved retired high-ranking military personnel.

“The Kyauk Phyu project, implemented during the regime led by U Thein Sein, failed to provide any benefits to the people of Rakhine State. Additionally, the project lacked a proper Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) process, as relevant laws were not in place at that time. Besides, the job opportunities were not created for local residents, leaving them without any benefits or employment from the project. Consequently, the project utilized resources owned by the people of Rakhine State without offering any advantages back up to the present day.” 

It was said by Ko Htun Kyi, the director of Peace and Development, which is a local based group of activists which monitors the natural gas pipeline. 

In 2013, during the of U Thein Sein government, natural gas from the Rakhine offshore area began being sent to China. To facilitate production and transportation, extraction took place in the sea water area near Maday Island, close to Kyauk Phyu Town. Additionally, a pipeline was constructed, passing through Rakhine to Magwe, Mandalay Regions, and Shan State, ultimately crossing into China and reaching Kunming City.

The length of the pipeline is 771 kilometers (479 miles), and many residents along the route have lost portions of their farmland due to the natural gas pipeline.

“The project hired some local residents for doing as hard labors. And a few of the local residents were found in the construction sites of infrastructure buildings. But that’s it. Most of the workers in operating the oil and gas pipelines are Chinese.” 

The residents have suffered losses to their inherited farmlands and livelihoods due to this project. Additionally, incidents of sexual exploitation and other abuses have emerged against the residents.

A Kyauk Phyu resident explained about that situation – 

“They claimed that the entire population of Rakhine State would have access to the electricity and that job opportunities would be created. However, just our lands were confiscated. We didn’t get compensation. Only the highest ranked persons such as chairperson of the respective bodies were changed, but no one helps solving out our problems. We also don’t know where to ask it from.” 

At this moment, the conflict between the junta and Arakan Army (AA), an ethnic armed group, is intensified along the Rakhine coast. 

In response to the historical mistreatment of the people and the exploitation of resources in Rakhine State, the youth in the region took up arms and resisted the military regime. Despite ongoing clashes, the military council has entered into an agreement with the Chinese government to proceed with the deep seaport project.

“Without a doubt, the Arakan Army (AA) has already established control over these areas—they have seized them, and all territories now lie under AA’s complete authority. As a result, they oversee various sectors, including education, healthcare, social welfare, and the daily lives of the people, as well as foreign investments. However, when it comes to foreign investment, despite the AA’s existing control, ongoing discussions with the Burma regime remain necessary. These investments were initiated before the AA took control, and both parties have commitments. Therefore, while the AA holds military control, the investment sector still requires dialogue at the political negotiation tables. It is an unavoidable reality.

The residents have endured the oppression of successive military regimes and the exploitation by the Chinese government, which invested in this area. After enduring these hardships for an extended period, they have developed greater trust and reliance on the Rakhine ethnic armed group, the AA.”

At present, despite the existence of large projects, the people of Rakhine State have not yet reaped any benefits from these endeavors. However, following the AA’s assumption of control, the people should be able to enjoy the rightful benefits through dialogue with relevant parties. For instance, consider the gas pipeline project, from which the junta regime currently earns 1 billion USD annually. If the AA could access these benefits, all the state’s residents would also have the opportunity to enjoy them, leading to increased chances and more opportunities for their livelihoods.

Myanmar has been earning 1.5 billion USD annually from the sale of natural gas for over a decade. These revenues primarily come from Kyauk Phyu Township on the Rakhine coast. Additionally, there are offshore oil plots, including the (A-1 / A-3), (A-6), and (A-7) plots, which are currently under extraction. However, the people in Rakhine State still require a government that can adequately protect them and bring their righteous benefits. 

This program is supported by Earth Journalism Network (EJN), and Lay Waddy FM presents it. Other special reports from Rakhine State can also be viewed daily on Lay Waddy FM’s Facebook page, website, and YouTube channel.

0 comments
0 FacebookTwitterPinterestEmail
Newer Posts
Older Posts

Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit. Ut elit tellus, luctus nec ullamcorper mattis, pulvinar dapibus leo.

News

  • Rakhine News
  • Domestic News
  • International News

Resources

  • Research
  • Analysis
  • Data Visualisation
  • Publications

Special Section

  • Article
  • Women
  • Environment
  • Human Rights
  • Social Life
Copyright © Laywaddy FM. All rights reserved.
@2021 - All Right Reserved. Designed and Developed by PenciDesign